By
Tonnie Iredia
When
journalists claim that it is their exclusive preserve to set the national
agenda of a nation, not many people fully appreciate the weight and
significance of their claim. One politician said the other day that the agenda
setting theory of the media is unrealistic in Nigeria because it is not the
media but the political class that initiates and directs the course of the
nation’s agenda. If indeed, national agenda refers to the predominant topic of
discuss, then the politician is correct because what Nigerians are forced to
discuss is set everyday by politicians. For example for the better part of last
year, Nigerians were manipulated to discuss election campaigns in place of the
abduction of over 200 of their young compatriots.
To
make matters worse, the media, as if to confirm that their agenda function has
been lost to politicians merely help to publicise what our politicians want us
all to discuss. Otherwise, what would have made Nigerians to busy themselves
through a whole week on a frivolous matter like an alleged missing budget which
can reproduce a million times? We submit that the type of national agenda that
the media are supposed to set concern not just a determination of what people
discuss but issues that should positively impact on the people.
Against
this backdrop, it is important to draw the attention of media correspondents at
the National Assembly that to merely publicise whatever happens in their
location amounts to post-office journalism just the same way a post office
delivers a letter untouched as it was sent.
Media
professionals are not supposed to so serve as repeater mechanism for what
politicians say; they are rather obliged to go beyond telling a story of where
when and how an event took place, by undertaking the interpretative dimension
of a news report which enables society to understand the implications to their
lives of the event being reported.
To
hype irrelevant alarms such as a missing budget only to downplay the
substantive issues of governance such as the exact use, into which a budget is
put, amounts to blowing cosmetic matters out of proportion just to manipulate
the people. Unfortunately, that has been the fate of our national budget for
long. Indeed, since 1999 when democracy was resurrected in Nigeria, we have
never had a budget, what we have always had is a communiqué of political
negotiations in which the polity is usually overheated in a cat and rat game
between the Presidency and the National Assembly which always short changes the
citizenry.
So
it is always a tale of delayed budgets influenced by multifarious antics.
There was even a time when the budget could not be presented because the two
chambers of the National Assembly suddenly feigned a disagreement over the
appropriate venue of a joint session for the event. Painfully, the public can
hardly comprehend what fuels the contrived controversies. Could it be
“constituency project”. If so what does it mean? How much does it cost? Is it
ever executed? How many times is it recycled? Which contractors are involved?
What is the difference between a “constituency project” and other projects
captured in the budget? Are the latter not located in constituencies? One
analyst answered all these questions the other day when he said a “constituency
projects vote” in the legislature is the same as “security vote” in the
executive while some judges try to create one for the judiciary through
election petitions. The summary is that all the antics normally lead to delayed
budgets yearly. In 2012, for example, it took four months for the budget to be
passed. Thereafter, it took the President’s aides a whole month to study the
distortions introduced to jack up the budgets of some sectors.
While
signing the budget on Friday April 13, 2012, an angry President Jonathan
threatened to sack heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) who
lobbied to get their budgets increased by the legislature. Jonathan was
probably alone. In 2004, government had uncovered a- N55million “public
relations lobby fund” used by the Ministry of Education to influence the
legislature to increase its budget. The issue led to the removal from office of
the Senate President as well as the Minister of Education. The threat by
President Obasanjo to deal with other MDAs found to have also ‘bribed’
legislators yielded nothing thereafter except that the MDAs that got scared of
the threat and avoided lobbying lost out.
So,
lobbying to distort the budget continued. It cannot change because budgeting in
Nigeria is an annual ritual with static processes and procedures. To start with,
an organization prepares a budget proposal; several months later, without
reference to what informed the proposal it is temperamentally moderated.
Thereafter, another authority makes a decision on what fraction of the approved
budget to be released; yet another authority decides on whether or not due
process has been followed in the award of the contracts for the proposed
projects; all of this takes no less than three quarters of a year leaving the
public bodies with exceedingly short period to implement the budget; and then
while all hands are on deck to rush a few assignments at the tail end of the
year, a circular emerges with a directive that all unspent funds be returned to
the treasury!
Can
the 2016 budget change our fate? We hope it does. Anyway, now that the alleged
missing document has been found along with the thief, there is no need for
prosecution; instead let us merely use its content for the benefit of
Nigerians. We are not even sure if the theft would not be beneficial in due
course. In this regard, the rumour that the Presidency has reduced the
allocation for exotic cars by N7billion is heart warming. So is the other story
that the allocation to the State House Medical Centre has also been
rationalized. But who uses the centre – is it the same people who fly abroad to
treat headache or is that one of changes we should look out for?
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